Wednesday, November 9, 2016

Flipping Washington The Bird
by Jim Staudt, PhD, CFA
Copyright, 2016

Donald Trump’s victory was unexpected. Some of my Democrat friends (who are in a state of shock) claim that this is a case of racism or White Nationalism. This is a mistake on their part. While I'm sure that there were some racists among the 59+ million people who voted for Mr. Trump, there were simply too many Americans who voted for Mr. Trump to blame it entirely on racism or White Nationalism.  Some polls show that college educated women, a group that Mr. Trump was expected to do poorly with, voted for Mr. Trump at a rate of 45%.  That is much higher than I expected given that his opponent was an extremely smart and accomplished woman.

My opinion is that the Democrats ignored the fact that a lot of Americans have suffered from economic policies put in place by both major parties over the past several decades that enriches Wall Street and big business at the expense of Main Street. These policies have hollowed out the American middle class and left us with wealth disparity that exceeds that of any country one might want to live in.  Hillary Clinton is viewed – rightly or wrongly (rightly, in my opinion) – as part of the political system that created those policies. Many Americans are weary of Washington and feel powerless against the forces that have controlled the two major political parties for several decades. Our government has grown increasingly detached from the people it governs, creating what many would consider a ruling elite.

Bernie Sanders would likely have defeated Mr. Trump. But, Senator Sanders, if elected president, would have upset the economic order that funds both political parties, which is why the DNC worked against him and for Hillary Clinton. After Bernie Sanders lost the Democratic nomination, voting for Donald Trump became the only viable option people had to give the middle finger to the political status quo.

The Democrats need to do a great deal of self-reflection.  They were once the party of the working class.  While the GOP has long been the party of big business, since the 1980s the Democrats have also become the party of big business.  As manufacturing jobs went overseas and private sector labor unions grew weak, the Democrats sidled up to Wall Street and big business to remain competitive. The result is that neither party represents Main Street any more, which is why there was a populist revolt in both parties.  In this case the GOP picked the populist candidate while the Democratic Party held on to the status quo, and the populist candidate won.  This is how Donald Trump made it to the White House.

Let's hope that Mr. Trump is up to the job.

Jim Staudt


Thursday, October 6, 2016

On the IMF Warning
by James Staudt, PhD, CFA
Copyright 2016, all rights reserved


As noted on today’s front page article in the Financial Times, the International Money Fund has issued a warning that global debt, at a record of $152 trillion, or 225% of global GDP, poses a threat to the global economy.  Most of that debt – about two thirds of it – is private sector debt.   The IMF acknowledges the role of central banks by stating that debt has grown very rapidly since the financial crisis as central banks have been promoting debt expansion in an effort to promote economic growth. 

This is the challenge that we are faced with today after decades of debt fueled stimulus.  Economists have, for decades, ignored the risks of ever increasing debt levels because of their faith in their economic models that conveniently also ignore the risks of increasing debt levels.  This is also why their models are unable to anticipate financial crises.  It is like a weather forecasting model that ignores the role that ocean temperatures have on creating hurricanes.  This has allowed economists, including those in the academic community, to promote policies that are in the interests of their clients (such as investment banks, like Goldman Sachs) while conveniently ignoring the risks of these policies to the rest of us.

Our central bank, as well as other central banks, has been a major culprit in creating this situation.  As Mohammed El-Erian notes in his book The Only Game In Town, central banks felt that unconventional (and untested) means of stimulus were necessary to initially address the banking crisis and then to promote growth.  The use of these methods for such a prolonged period after the financial crisis created risks as well as an apparent windfall for the financial classes while not providing the kind of durable economic growth Main Street had hoped for.  Increased debt, whether public or private debt, poses risks, but the ease at which central banks can create money has created an illusion that debt is risk free and does not impose a cost.

The dilemma with debt is the fundamental problem that you are spending today what would be available for you in the future.  If your spending is on productive assets, like infrastructure or factory machinery, etc., this might provide more for you in the future.  But, if the debt is used to spend today simply for the sake of consumption or it is spent on productive assets that don’t provide an adequate future return, you dig yourself a hole.  Central banks can implement policies that promote or discourage use of debt, but they can’t tell people how to use that debt (nor should they).  The answer to this problem for the central banks has been to simply create more money, but this has a punishing effect on some while creating a windfall for others, without doing anything to promote investment in productive assets.

But, this gets to a very fundamental question.  Imagine a place where a group of unelected officials, not accountable to anyone, make key decisions about who are economic winners and losers.  You might think that this sounds like the old Soviet Union.  But, it is right here in the United States as well as other countries.  Our central bank has effectively been stealing from savers planning for future obligations (individual savers, pension funds, insurance companies) and giving it to those who are deeply in debt (investment banks, private equity funds, individuals who are over-extended on debt, and, of course, our federal government).  These policies have also promoted increased use of debt for no or low return investment, exacerbating the long term debt problem further.  It also raises the question of whether or not the central bank should really have such an outsized role in our economy without any oversight.  I will explore this in an upcoming blogpost.

Getting back to stimulus through debt, normally, such policies would punish a nation’s currency with high inflation.  But, with virtually every nation on earth pursuing these policies, it has become a race to the bottom.  Because global economic growth is so slow, nations are trying to grow by "stealing" growth from other nations though weak currency policies.  Are there periods in the past that we can look to for guidance?  I'm afraid so, but they are not a source of optimism. The period after World War I was the last time that most of the developed world was pursuing such policies.  The German Weimar Republic was printing money in an effort to promote the domestic economy while it was suffering under highly punitive war reparations to France.  France was deeply in debt to England, and England to the United States.  These nations, having abandoned monetary standards were printing money and experiencing high inflation.  Global trade also dropped as nations adopted "beggar thy neighbor" policies.  The United States for its part was on a debt binge that fueled a real estate and stock market bubble.  Inflation on consumer goods wasn’t a problem in the United States due to a gold standard and because, on balance, we were the largest creditor country.  However, we know how badly things ended that time. 

Let’s pray for a happier ending this time around.
On the IMF Warning
by James Staudt, PhD, CFA
Copyright 2016, all rights reserved


As noted on today’s front page article in the Financial Times, the International Money Fund has issued a warning that global debt, at a record of $152 trillion, or 225% of global GDP, poses a threat to the global economy.  Most of that debt – about two thirds of it – is private sector debt.   The IMF acknowledges the role of central banks by stating that debt has grown very rapidly since the financial crisis as central banks have been promoting debt expansion in an effort to promote economic growth. 

This is the challenge that we are faced with today after decades of debt fueled stimulus.  Economists have, for decades, ignored the risks of ever increasing debt levels because of their faith in their economic models that conveniently also ignore the risks of increasing debt levels.  This is also why their models are unable to anticipate financial crises.  It is like a weather forecasting model that ignores the role that ocean temperatures have on creating hurricanes.  This has allowed economists, including those in the academic community, to promote policies that are in the interests of their clients (such as investment banks, like Goldman Sachs) while conveniently ignoring the risks of these policies to the rest of us.

Our central bank, as well as other central banks, has been a major culprit in creating this situation.  As Mohammed El-Erian notes in his book The Only Game In Town, central banks felt that unconventional (and untested) means of stimulus were necessary to initially address the banking crisis and then to promote growth.  The use of these methods for such a prolonged period after the financial crisis created risks as well as an apparent windfall for the financial classes while not providing the kind of durable economic growth Main Street had hoped for.  Increased debt, whether public or private debt, poses risks, but the ease at which central banks can create money has created an illusion that debt is risk free and does not impose a cost.

The dilemma with debt is the fundamental problem that you are spending today what would be available for you in the future.  If your spending is on productive assets, like infrastructure or factory machinery, etc., this might provide more for you in the future.  But, if the debt is used to spend today simply for the sake of consumption or it is spent on productive assets that don’t provide an adequate future return, you dig yourself a hole.  Central banks can implement policies that promote or discourage use of debt, but they can’t tell people how to use that debt (nor should they).  The answer to this problem for the central banks has been to simply create more money, but this has a punishing effect on some while creating a windfall for others, without doing anything to promote investment in productive assets.

But, this gets to a very fundamental question.  Imagine a place where a group of unelected officials, not accountable to anyone, make key decisions about who wins and who loses in our economy.  You might think that this sounds like the old Soviet Union.  But, it is right here in the United States as well as other countries.  Our central bank has effectively been stealing from savers planning for future obligations (individual savers, pension funds, insurance companies) and giving it to those who are deeply in debt (investment banks, private equity funds, and individuals who are over-extended on debt).  These policies have also promoted increased use of debt for no or low return investment, exacerbating the debt problem further.  It also raises the question of whether or not the central bank should really have such an outsized role in our economy without any oversight.  I will explore this in an upcoming blogpost.

Getting back to stimulus through debt, normally, such policies would punish a nation’s currency with high inflation.  But, with virtually every nation on earth pursuing these policies, it has become a race to the bottom.  Because global economic growth is so slow, nations are trying to grow by "stealing" growth from other nations though weak currency policies.  Are there periods in the past that we can look to for guidance?  I'm afraid so, but they are not a source of optimism. The period after World War I was the last time that most of the developed world was pursuing such policies.  The German Weimar Republic was printing money in an effort to promote the domestic economy while it was suffering under highly punitive war reparations to France.  France was deeply in debt to England, and England to the United States.  These nations, having abandoned monetary standards were printing money and experiencing high inflation.  Global trade also dropped as nations adopted "beggar thy neighbor" policies.  The United States for its part was on a debt binge that fueled a real estate and stock market bubble.  Inflation on consumer goods wasn’t a problem in the United States due to a gold standard and because, on balance, we were the largest creditor country.  However, we know how badly things ended that time. 

Let’s pray for a happier ending this time around.

Thursday, June 9, 2016

Is Summers Right about Trump?
by Jim Staudt
Copyright 2016, all rights reserved

Professor Larry Summers’ recent Financial Times article “The economic consequences of a Trump win would be severe” is misleading.  He forecasts that he expects that if Trump were elected, he “would expect a protracted recession to begin within 18 months.”  Regardless of who is elected president, a major recession is a near certainty (more on this later).  First, I will examine the charges Summers levels against Trump.

I am no fan of Mr. Trump, who has made misogynistic and racist comments that are unworthy of a presidential candidate.  But, there are numerous holes in Professor Summers’ arguments.  First, the claim of concern over a $10 trillion tax cut over the next few decades is off.  Even if such a tax cut and deficit increase were to happen, the United States has been running deficits for decades.  While I personally believe this has been an irresponsible policy that has enabled reckless behavior by our government, such as the Iraq War, such a policy would not be a major change from policies that Mrs. Clinton has herself advocated as a US Senator.  Moreover, Congress actually holds the purse strings in the US government.  A President Trump cannot act without the help of Congress.  Regarding the second and third concerns of Professor Summers regarding trade and security policies, Professor Summers fails to recognize that a President Trump cannot on his own end trade agreements or treaties.  Again, a President Trump needs Congress, specifically, the US Senate. Regarding the fourth concern about Mr. Trump’s authoritarian style, here Professor Summers conveniently assumes away the US legal system, which is in place to prevent the abuses Professor Summers alleges a President Trump would commit, such as torture.  Professor Summers also forgot that in October 2006 then Senator Clinton stated to the New York Daily News that she was in favor of exceptions to the no torture policy, especially when there is a “ticking time bomb”.   The final charge about lack of business confidence is pure conjecture, and ignores the fact that Mr. Trump’s own fortune would be adversely impacted by a loss of business confidence.  So, while I do not relish the thought of a President Trump, Professor Summers’ charges are entirely baseless.

As for why a recession is a near certainty over the next few years regardless of who wins the election in November, here are the arguments.  The first reason is timing.  We are long overdue.  The average time between recessions is about 6-7 years, and we are on year eight with every economic indicator sputtering and flashing yellow.  Moreover, since the beginning of financial deregulation in the US, we have had a banking crisis roughly every ten years, each of increasing severity.  If the trend continues, that means 2018 is time for the next banking crisis.  But, these past trends do not guarantee future behavior.  The second reason is that the fundamentals point toward another recession.  Every economic indicator is flashing yellow - from employment statistics, to productivity, to outlook of CEOs.  It is clear that after decades of central bank intervention to achieve the “great moderation” prior to 2008 and the inability of central bankers to achieve sustainable growth since the 2008 crisis, Hyman Minsky’s concerns (published decades ago) about financial instabilities associated with what he calls “Ponzi finance” are prescient.  Ponzi finance is where  “cash flows from operations are not sufficient to fulfill either the repayment of principle or the interest due on outstanding debts by their cash flows from operations”, and a unit must sell assets or borrow.  As Minsky stated in 1992, “over a protracted period of good times, capitalist economies tend to move from a financial structure dominated by hedge finance units to a structure in which there is large weight to units engaged in speculative and Ponzi finance.”  Our government and much of the private economy has been practicing Ponzi finance for decades.  In fact, much of our economic growth over the past several decades has been the result of Ponzi finance – enabled by central bank interventions to prevent market corrections - with total debt to GDP in the US rising from under 150% in the 1950s through 1970s to well above 300% in the post 2000 period.  Ponzi finance is not sustainable, and therefore corrections are inevitable.  We are at the end of what some call a debt supercycle that was enabled by our central banks, and history shows that there is no easy way out of this.  In my book, Grand Collusion, I discuss the challenges we face and some solutions.  But, like a cancer patient facing surgery or chemotherapy, there is no easy path back to good health.  I’m afraid that a recession, or worse, is a near certainty regardless of whether Mr. Trump or Mrs. Clinton wins in November.

Our nation has reached this point - deeply in debt with growth highly elusive and a wealth disparity unlike any other western nation one would want to live in - thanks to policymakers, including Mrs. Clinton, who have misled the public over the past several decades.  Many Americans instinctively know that something in Washington really stinks - even if they can't put their finger on the precise cause.  It is clear that Washington is not working for most Americans.  That is what has powered the unlikely rise of Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump.

Sadly, in the forty years I've been voting, this is the worst choice the two parties have offered us in a presidential race.  It is a choice between bad and horrible.

Tuesday, April 12, 2016

The Age of Bizarro Economics
by Jim Staudt, PhD, CFA
copyright 2016, all rights reserved

In DC Comic’s Superman, there is a Bizarro world on the cube-shaped planet htraE (Earth spelled backwards) where everything is the opposite of Earth. Ugliness is worshiped over beauty. Stupidity is preferred over intelligence. And, even bonds are sold that are guaranteed to lose money.

In an age where about 25% of the world’s economies (Japan and much of Europe) are practicing negative interest rates, we have reached a point that might be called the age of Bizarro Economics. A fundamental principle that economists have relied upon for ages is that there should be a cost to borrowing capital because capital is useful, and the cost charged for borrowing capital should increase with the risk of the associated investment. Thirty years ago the thought of a world with negative interest rates would be akin to a world without gravity – something inconceivable. Today, thanks to central bank intervention in many countries we now have a cost to possessing capital. Possessing capital is no longer desirable, but now incurs a burden! Much has been written about the risks of this policy – risks of depositors removing deposits from banks, risks to insurance and pension funds and to savers, risks associated with investment in low return projects that will drag down economic growth for decades, and other risks associated with misallocation of capital. On the other hand, the promoters of low to negative interest rate policies argue that this is what is necessary to promote economic growth. They believe that the failure of Quantitative Easing (QE) to provide sustainable growth is not because QE doesn’t work (unlike pushing a rope?), but that we didn’t have enough QE – in effect we should “double down” on a policy that didn’t deliver. They argue that negative rate policies have prevented the Eurozone and Japan from suffering deflation, although we can’t be certain what might have happened if interest rates had been permitted to normalize.

What I argue is that negative rates are where decades of “growth at any cost” easy monetary policy have led us to. Credit expansion can stimulate economic growth by increasing credit purchases. But, too much easy credit will lead to misallocation of capital, such as people purchasing homes they can ill afford, as happened in the run up to the 2008 crisis. As I argue in Grand Collusion, it also leads to nations being tempted to act recklessly and pursue unnecessary wars.   And, use of credit for promoting consumption is by its very nature consuming today in exchange for reduced consumption tomorrow. But, tomorrow does eventually come. In effect, the world economy has grown addicted to easy credit, and for an addict more of what he or she is addicted to always seems like a good solution.

In A Brief History of Financial Euphoria John Kenneth Galbraith wrote “All crises have involved debt that, in one fashion or another, has become dangerously out of scale in relation to the underlying means of payment.” For many nations, including the United States, debt relative to gross domestic product is currently well above where it was immediately before the Great Depression. Central bankers believe that they are smarter than they were in the past and can navigate the risks of negative interest rates and ever-expanding credit.  In 2004 Ben Bernanke, not yet Fed Chairman but a member of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve and the heir apparent to Alan Greenspan, stated in his “Great Moderation” speech that improved monetary policy had reduced macroeconomic volatility.  In other words, in his view central bankers had played an important role in taming the business cycle. Yet, despite Dr. Bernanke’s words and his succession as Fed Chairman, we suffered the greatest economic downturn since the 1930s only four years after his statement.  In light of this, should we really have such confidence in our central banks that this time will be different?

Unfortunately, decades of expansionary monetary policy have backed the central banks into a corner where there are no means left at their disposal to promote economic growth other than entering the Bizarro World of negative rates. But, the bigger question is whether the central banks should have been managing our prosperity in the first place. In other words, is economic growth the responsibility of the central bank? At initial blush, this seems a strange question. In recent decades we have grown so accustomed to the Fed’s role in “managing” the economy that to argue otherwise may seem like heresy. But, the original role of the Federal Reserve was not to manage our prosperity, but to be the regulator and guarantor of our banking system. What we have seen over the past several decades is what military strategists call “mission creep” – where the initial mission morphs into another one and you lose sight of what your objective was in the first place.   Managing the economy was never the original intent of the Federal Reserve.  What the 2008 crisis proved beyond a doubt is that the Fed failed miserably in both its original mission of ensuring bank stability and its adopted mission of managing the economy.

The Fed and other central banks, increasingly staffed with academics trained in neoclassical economics, have come to have great faith in their ability to “fine tune” the economy with the help of their economic modelling. These computer models have given the Fed and other central banks the mistaken idea that they can actually manipulate the economy to some end - in effect, central banks now think that they can be the "Wizard of Oz" running the economy from behind a curtain. This has tempted central banks to move their attention from their original responsibility of ensuring banking system stability to the role of managing (or trying to manage) our economy. In this respect central banks believe that Adam Smith’s “Invisible Hand” can be put under the control of the Fed and the other central banks.

And, if one accepts the notion that the Fed should manage our prosperity with pro-growth policies (I don’t, but supposing one did), this raises still another question: What level of risk is a society willing to accept to achieve this growth? Is it worth risking severe economic crises to achieve that growth? This is an important question that the central banks are ignoring with their short-sighted perspective and what I believe is hubris in thinking that they can really tame the business cycle.

Unfortunately, the Bizarro World that we live in, unlike that of DC Comic’s Superman, is real. It doesn’t go away when we close a comic book. We have to deal with the effects of decades of credit expansion at rates that far exceeded the growth in the world economy. The debt, unless written down at a large cost to investors, will be a drag on economic growth for decades.

Thursday, February 18, 2016

For those of you looking for the figures for Grand Collusion, go to the January 28, 2016 posting.

I've recently uploaded a revised version of Grand Collusion, which I hope is it for a while.  It incorporates a discussion of the dynamic going on with the "outsider" candidates - Sanders, Trump and Cruz as well as a new and improved discussion of foreign policy, along with a number of other tweaks and improvements.

Thursday, January 28, 2016

Figures from the book, Grand Collusion


Grand Collusion

 

How the two parties collude to divide the spoils of governing, corrupting democracy and American capitalism.

 

By James E. Staudt


 

 Because of the poor image quality on some ebook readers this provides figures from the book available from Amazon as a Kindle ebook

 

 

This book is published directly by the author and is distributed only as an ebook

 

 

 

© Copyright, James E. Staudt, 2016 all rights reserved

 

All rights reserved.  None of these figures or tables may be reproduced in any form or by any means – electronic or otherwise –

without the express, written permission of the author.


 

 

Figure 1. Total House and Senate Election Spending, current dollars

(data source: Campaign Finance Institute)

 
 

Figure 2.  Congressional districts in the Houston area.

 

 

Figure 3.  Congressional Districts in Texas


 

Figure 4.  Federal Receipts and Outlays, and the party of the President

Data from US Treasury

 

Figure 5.  Marginal Tax Rates, Capital Gains and Wages (data from US Treasury)

 

Figure 6.  Receipts and Outlays, and Cumulative Federal Debt Outstanding – nominal values (data: US Treasury)

 

Figure 7.  Federal Outlays (million current dollars - data from US Treasury)

 

Figure 8.  Human Services Outlays (million current dollars - data from US Treasury)

 

Figure 9. The Largest Outlays (million current dollars, data from US Treasury)

 

Figure 10.  Inflation and Fed Funds rate by year

(periods of war or military buildup in red, depressions or recessions in blue, oil embargo in yellow)


 

Figure 11a

. Household, Federal, and Domestic Financial New Credit Market Annual Borrowing and Fed Funds Rate

(developed from US Federal Reserve)  recession periods in yellow shade

 

Figure 11b

Domestic Financial New Credit Market Annual Borrowing

(developed from US Federal Reserve)  recession periods in yellow shade


 

Figure 12a.  US Credit Market Debt Owed and by Whom, percent of GDP

(developed from US Federal Reserve)
 
 
 

Figure 12b.  Who Holds US Credit Market Assets – percent of GDP

(developed from US Federal Reserve)


 
 

Figure 13.  Growth rate of CPI adjusted wages (calculated from US Census data)


Figure 14a.  10-year US Treasury rate, change in rate
 


Figure 14b.  Federal Deficit
 


Figure 15a.  Change in GDP versus Capital Gains Tax Rate (1947-2012)
 

 



Figure 15b.  Change in GDP versus Capital Gains Tax Rate (1945-2012)

 

Figure 16a.  Change in GDP versus Highest Income Tax Rate (1947-2012)


 

Figure 16b.  Change in GDP versus Highest Income Tax Rate (1945-2012)

 

Figure 17.  The Dow Jones Industrial Average January 1900 to March 2015


 

Table 1.  GINI Index (World Bank)
Country name
Most recent of 2005-2013
Ukraine
24.8
Slovenia
24.9
Sweden
26.1
Iceland
26.3
Czech Republic
26.4
Belarus
26.5
Slovak Republic
26.6
Norway
26.8
Denmark
26.9
Romania
27.3
Finland
27.8
Kazakhstan
28.6
Hungary
28.9
Netherlands
28.9
Albania
29
Iraq
29.5
Pakistan
29.6
Serbia
29.7
Armenia
30.3
Timor-Leste
30.4
Germany
30.6
Moldova
30.6
Montenegro
30.6
Egypt, Arab Rep.
30.8
Tajikistan
30.8
Niger
31.2
France
31.7
Cambodia
31.8
Bangladesh
32.1
Ireland
32.1
Japan
32.1
Lithuania
32.6
Estonia
32.7
Nepal
32.8
Poland
32.8
Azerbaijan
33
Bosnia and Herzegovina
33
Mali
33
Burundi
33.3
Kyrgyz Republic
33.4
Croatia
33.6
Ethiopia
33.6
Canada
33.7
Guinea
33.7
Jordan
33.7
India
33.9
Sao Tome and Principe
33.9
Bulgaria
34.3
West Bank and Gaza
34.5
Greece
34.7
Sudan
35.3
Sierra Leone
35.4
Italy
35.5
Indonesia
35.6
Vietnam
35.6
Spain
35.8
Tunisia
35.8
Mauritius
35.9
Yemen, Rep.
35.9
Latvia
36
Lao PDR
36.2
Sri Lanka
36.4
Mongolia
36.5
Tanzania
37.8
United Kingdom
38
Liberia
38.2
Iran, Islamic Rep.
38.3
Bhutan
38.7
Thailand
39.4
Russian Federation
39.7
Burkina Faso
39.8
Turkey
40
Congo, Rep.
40.2
Senegal
40.3
Mauritania
40.5
Madagascar
40.6
Cameroon
40.7
Morocco
40.9
United States
41.1
Uruguay
41.3
Georgia
41.4
El Salvador
41.8
China
42.1
Gabon
42.2
Angola
42.7
Fiji
42.8
Ghana
42.8
Israel
42.8
Nigeria
43
Philippines
43
Cote d'Ivoire
43.2
Chad
43.3
Benin
43.5
Argentina
43.6
Cabo Verde
43.8
Macedonia, FYR
44.2
Congo, Dem. Rep.
44.4
Uganda
44.6
Venezuela, RB
44.8
Peru
45.3
Dominican Republic
45.7
Mozambique
45.7
Nicaragua
45.7
Togo
46
Malawi
46.2
Malaysia
46.2
Bolivia
46.6
Ecuador
46.6
Kenya
47.7
Paraguay
48
Mexico
48.1
Costa Rica
48.6
Chile
50.8
Rwanda
50.8
Swaziland
51.5
Panama
51.9
Guatemala
52.4
Brazil
52.7
Colombia
53.5
Lesotho
54.2
Central African Republic
56.3
Honduras
57.4
Zambia
57.5
Botswana
60.5
Namibia
61.3
South Africa
65
Seychelles
65.8
 
 

GINI index - Gini index measures the extent to which the distribution of income or consumption expenditure among individuals or households within an economy deviates from a perfectly equal distribution. A Lorenz curve plots the cumulative percentages of total income received against the cumulative number of recipients, starting with the poorest individual or household. The Gini index measures the area between the Lorenz curve and a hypothetical line of absolute equality, expressed as a percentage of the maximum area under the line. Thus a Gini index of 0 represents perfect equality, while an index of 100 implies perfect inequality.  – World Bank

 
 
Figure 18.  Estimated Eligible Voter Turnout by State[55]
[55] Data from the United States Election Project

 



 

 

 


Jim Staudt makes a living from examining data and working with policymakers and industry primarily on energy and environmental policy.  In Grand Collusion he shares his analysis and insights on some of the disturbing trends in our political system, explains how we got to where we are, and makes suggestions about where we need to go from here.

 

For decades Jim worked in the energy and environmental industries and now consults to industry, to states and the federal government. He is a graduate of the United States Naval Academy and served in the Navy Nuclear program aboard the nuclear powered aircraft carrier USS Enterprise CVN-65.  He later received his MS and his PhD from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and also holds the Chartered Financial Analyst (CFA) designation.

 

He lives with his wife and two children in the Boston area.